Semi-submersible Offshore Structures

2. Although within group analyses would have been fascinating and important to examine, they were not possible given the current sample. That is, we suspect that among families from certain racial/ethnic groups the socialization messages that parents intend to send children may be sent in such a way that they are clearer and have more impact on children than among other families from other racial/ethnic groups. However, the number of parent-child matches within each ethnic group in the sample was too small to obtain stable and reliable correlations, and therefore the correspondence between parent and child reports is examined across ethnic group only.

3. We recognize that the reliability for children is extremely low, but we nevertheless retained the measure to enable us to explore parent-child congruence. Moreover, although the reliability for the preparation for bias construct was low for all children, it was particularly low for the White Russian sample (a = .16). This again suggests that interesting within group differences in these constructs may be present and future research assessing the validity of the constructs across ethnic groups is greatly needed.

4. All White European American children were asked about receiving messages of pride and preparation for bias in regard to their "White" racial group memberships. However, many parents answered the items in regard to their European ethnic group memberships (e.g., Italian). Thus, we could not examine items related to cultural socialization or preparation for bias in a reliable manner for these parents and children.

5. Exploratory ANOVAs were conducted comparing the mean level of parent and child reported messages by ethnic group and some interesting significant findings did emerge. While these were not the focus of this chapter, it is noteworthy that both Chinese parents and Chinese children reported significantly fewer egalitarianism/cul-tural socialization messages than did parents and children in the other ethnic groups.

6. The same overall pattern was evident when we dichotomized each of the items assessing egalitarianism such that parents and children were coded "0" if they reported never communicating/hearing the message and "1" otherwise. Not surprisingly, the extent of agreement between parents and children was higher when items were coded in this manner (e.g., 73%, 80%, and 83% for items 1,2, and 3 respectively) but disagreement still resulted from a pattern in which parents over-report messages pertaining to egalitarianism relative to their children rather than the reverse pattern in which children over-reported egalitarianism relative to their parents (24% vs. 3%, 17% vs. 3%, and 14% vs. 4% for Egalitarianism items 1, 2, and 3 respectively).

7. Again, the same overall pattern was evident when we dichotomized each of the items assessing preparation for bias such that parents and children were coded "0" if they reported never communicating/hearing the message and "1" otherwise. The extent of agreement between parents and children was slightly higher when items were coded in this manner (e.g., 53%, 55%, 60% for items 1, 2, and 3 respectively) but disagreement l resulted from a pattern in which parents under-report messages pertaining to preparation for bias relative to their children rather than the reverse pattern in which children under-report Preparation for Bias relative to their parents (34% vs. 13%, 32% vs. 13%, and 44% vs. 7% for preparation for bias items 1, 2, and 3 respectively).

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